Richard the Lionheart Makes Peace with Saladin ()
An unsuccessful attempt at negotiation between Saladin and Richard broke down early in September and on September 7 battle was joined near Arsuf. Richard the Lion heart led an English army, but he and his fellow kings failed to drive Arabs from Jerusalem. Saladin and Richard the Lionheart are two names. Salah al-Din Yusuf (AD) has gone down in medieval history as the most Saladin's relationship with Richard had been one of chivalrous mutual.
In fact, one of the only major differences within several of the sources deals with issues of the descriptions and portrayals of Richard and Saladin themselves. In the Itinerarium Saladin is a figure with many negative qualities for much of the work, up until the point at which he and Richard conclude the three-year truce in According the author of the Itinerarium, Saladin "treacherously killed He is presented as a cruel man who had Christians slaughtered, wounded, and thrown into chains and had many prominent Christians such as Templars and the prince of Antioch beheaded.
One of them retorts that God is using Saladin for God's own purpose, "'just as a worldly father sometimes when he is enraged grabs a filthy stick from the mud with which to beat his erring sons, and then throws it back into the dungpit from which he took it.
Later, the author of the Itinerarium writes that Saladin is a "timid creature, like a frightened hare.
crusades - Why did Saladin show kindness to Richard I? - History Stack Exchange
Following the conclusion of his truce with Richard, however, Saladin seems to become a different person in the Itinerarium. Not only do Richard and Saladin converse amicably through messengers, but Saladin also shows Hubert Walter, bishop of Salisbury "much honor and fulfilled all his requests" when the bishop visits Jerusalem. Saladin "enjoin[s] his servants to show the bishop and his people every kindness. Hubert even tells Saladin that if there were any way in which to combine "[Saladin's] virtues with those of King Richard, and share them out between [them] so that both The Itinerarium's description of Saladin becomes much more positive and essentially the direct opposite of what it had been prior to the truce between Richard and Saladin.
Ambroise's description of Saladin in his Crusade is much more balanced throughout the work, although his view of Saladin is definitely not always positive.
History of Jerusalem: Richard the Lionheart Makes Peace with Saladin
He also describes the way in which Saladin honors the safe-conduct of Christian pilgrims and even honors them, as well as the way in which he courteously receives Hubert Walter. Also, there do not seem to be quite so many negative comments, and such comments do not seem quite as severe as those found in the Itinerarium. Interestingly, within the Crusade Ambroise relates an episode similar to the stick of God analogy in the Itinerarium.
This is perhaps the only explanation that Christians can come up with for why God would allow the Christians to be removed from Jerusalem. After all, according to the Christian view, God wants Christians to hold the city. Saladin's role as punisher may partially explain his dichotomous portrayal within these two Christian primary sources. On the one hand, there is a figure that represents and is responsible for displacing the Christians from Jerusalem, but on the other there is a figure with many positive characteristics.
Although many of these characteristics come through in the works, Saladin is still the enemy and still a powerful figure who believes in an opposing faith. Following the conclusion of the truce with Richard, Saladin becomes less of a threat and less of an enemy, and he is viewed a great deal more positively.
Of course, some of the negativity surrounding Saladin might also be attributed to biases on the parts of the Christian authors, especially since it can be argued that Richard is in effect the hero of their works.
If the Itinerarium and Ambroise's Crusade seem somewhat confused in their portrayal of Saladin, they are very clear and almost completely positive in their descriptions of Richard, noting many positive characteristics.
According to the Itinerarium, Richard is generous and "delighted all his subjects with his actions and his incomparable superiority. He has "the valour of Hector, the heroism of Achillies, he was not inferior to Alexander, nor less valiant than Roland[, and] After all, his "magnificent deeds overshadowed all others, no matter how glorious.
Considering the previous descriptions of Richard in the Itinerarium and the Crusade, it might seem that Richard was considered to be perfect within both of these Christian sources. Although this is very nearly the case, they both are at least somewhat critical of Richard's rashness. In the Itinerarium, there is a description of a time in which Saladin's men almost capture Richard in an ambush because he is traveling nearly unaccompanied.
Directly following this episode, some of Richard's household "scolded him over his frequent recklessness and cautioned him against such behavior. Muslim sources seem to agree with this generally positive assessment of Richard. In fact, many Muslim authors shower "warm praise Although there might be some hints of equality in the Christian sources such as when Hubert Walter comments in the Itinerarium that anyone that possessed a combination of Richard and Saladin's qualities would also possess unparalleled magnificencethere does not seem to be anything to suggest that Saladin might in some way actually be better than Richard.
For example, he writes that Richard was "courageous, energetic, and daring in combat Muslim sources describe the positive characteristics of Richard in much the same way that Christian sources do, but how do they describe Saladin?
The battle then paused, but Richard was now on foot after his only warhorse had been killed. During the pause, Muslim soldiers had slipped back into the city, and the troops Richard had left inside frantically retreated to their ships. He then rode to the ships and shamed the men whohad fled and sent them back into the fight before rejoining his battle line for the next wave of attacks.
Again Richard charged into the mass of Muslim cavalry, leaving a circle of dead around him. He penetrated so deeply that those in his battle line lost sight of him.
At this point, a richly armored Muslim champion rode out to fight Richard one-on-one as both sides stopped to look on. With single blow of his sword, Richard cleaved his opponent through the neck and downward so that the head and right shoulder went flying as the horse and the rest of the blood-spurting body rode on. Upon witnessing this horror, the members of the Muslim host lost heart and retreated. Saladin, too, had seen enough. He withdrew, leaving dead men and 1, slain horses on the battlefield.
Richard, meanwhile, reported losing only two men and an unknown number of wounded. His brilliant victory was a supreme instance of leadership and personal example that triumphed over to-1 odds.
Yet after the win at Jaffa, Richard was forced to settle for a three-year truce Treaty of Jaffa with Saladin before sailing home in October The fleet sailed down the coast in close support, a source of supplies and a refuge for the wounded. Aware of the ever-present danger of enemy raiders and the possibility of hit-and-run attacks, he kept the column in tight formation with a core of twelve mounted regiments, each with a hundred knights.
The infantry marched on the landward flank, covering the flanks of the horsemen and affording them some protection from missiles. The outermost ranks of the infantry were composed of crossbowmen. On the seaward side was the baggage and also units of infantry being rested from the continuous harassment inflicted by Saladin's forces.
Richard wisely rotated his infantry units to keep them relatively fresh.
These men exercised wonderful self-control; they went on their way without any hurry, whilst their ships followed their line of march along the coast, and in this manner they reached their halting-place. He saw Frankish infantrymen with from one to ten arrows sticking from their armoured backs marching along with no apparent hurt, whilst the crossbows struck down both horse and man amongst the Muslims. The Crusader army's pace was dictated by the infantry and baggage train; the Ayyubid army, being largely mounted, had the advantage of superior mobility.
On 25 August the Crusader rearguard was crossing a defile when it was almost cut off. However, the Crusaders closed up so speedily that the Muslim soldiery was forced to flee. From 26 to 29 August Richard's army had a respite from attack because while it hugged the coast and had gone round the shoulder of Mount CarmelSaladin's army had struck across country. Saladin arrived in the vicinity of Caesarea before the Crusaders, who were on a longer road. From 30 August to 7 September Saladin was always within striking distance, and waiting for an opportunity to attack if the Crusaders exposed themselves.
In order to do this he needed to commit his entire army to a serious attack. The woodland would mask the disposition of his army and allow a sudden attack to be launched. To the south of the camp, in the 6 miles 9. This is where Saladin intended to make his decisive attack. While threatening and skirmishing along the whole length of the Crusader column, Saladin reserved his most sustained direct assault for its rear. His plan appears to have been to allow the Frankish van and centre to proceed, in the hope that a fatal gap might be created between them and the more heavily engaged rearmost units.
Into such a gap Saladin would have thrown his reserves in order to defeat the Crusaders in detail. However, unrealistically inflated numbers, ofandrespectively, are described. Boas notes that this calculation doesn't account for losses in earlier battles or desertions, but that it is probable that the Crusader army had 10, men and perhaps more.
King Richard took especial pains over the disposition of his army. The probable posts of greatest danger, at the front and especially the rear of the column, were given to the military orders. They had the most experience of fighting in the East, were arguably the most disciplined, and were the only formations which included Turcopole cavalry who fought like the Turkish horse archers of the Ayyubid army.
They were followed by three units composed of Richard's own subjects, the Angevins and Bretonsthen the Poitevins including Guy of Lusignantitular King of Jerusalem, and lastly the English and Normans who had charge of the great standard mounted on its waggon. The next seven corps were made up of the French, the Flemmingsthe barons of Outremer and small contingents of crusaders from other lands.
Forming the rearguard were the Knights Hospitaller led by Garnier de Nablus. The twelve corps were organised into five larger formations, though their precise distribution is unknown. Additionally, a small troop, under the leadership of Henry II of Champagnewas detached to scout towards the hills, and a squadron of picked knights under King Richard and Hugh of Burgundythe leader of the French contingent, was detailed to ride up and down the column checking on Saladin's movements and ensuring that their own ranks were kept in order.