Animals in Latin American History - Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Latin American History
So for human beings, no less than for any other animal, emotions are the first screen to all . Because gossip saved lives in the Stone Age, it will be with organizations forever. Rather, managers would be smart to keep tabs on the rumor mill. . In his research, Dunbar found a linear relationship between the brain size and. Get this from a library! The human-animal relationship: forever and a day. [ Francien Henriëtte de Jonge; Ruud van den Bos;]. The animal is never too far removed from the jungle, so I could draw on it for it was about the human soul; something that still to this day confuses me to no end. I had to not only analyze my relationship with Him, but my relationship with me. cats with bread, while the broke folks were forever destined to sit in the shade.
We dance to a song of heartbreak and hope. All the while wondering if somewhere, somehow, there's someone perfect who might be searching for us. Are even lovers powerless to reveal To one another what indeed they feel? I knew the mass of men conceal'd Their thoughts, for fear that if reveal'd They would by other men be met With blank indifference, or with blame reproved; I knew they lived and moved Trick'd in disguises, alien to the rest Of men, and alien to themselves — and yet The same heart beats in every human breast!
Ah, love, let us be true To one another! Matthew ArnoldDover BeachSt. Matthew ArnoldCulture and AnarchyCh.
I, Sweetness and Light Full text online What love will make you do All the things that we accept Be the things that we regret AshantiFoolish January 29, from the April 2, album Ashanti The Eskimo has fifty-two names for snow because it is important to them; there ought to be as many for love. Margaret AtwoodSurfacing p. The Eskimos had 52 names for snow because it was important to them; there ought to be as many for love.
Hunger allows no choice To the citizen or the police; We must love one another or die. AudenSeptember 1, Lines ; for a anthology text the poet changed this line to "We must love one another and die" to avoid what he regarded as a falsehood in the original. Among those whom I like or admire, I can find no common denominator, but among those whom I love, I can: Love, and do what thou wilt: Love and then what you will, do. What does love look like? It has the hands to help others. It has the feet to hasten to the poor and needy.
It has eyes to see misery and want. It has the ears to hear the sighs and sorrows of men.House Of The Rising Sun Guitar Lesson - The Animals - Easy Songs For Acoustic Guitar - Tutorial
That is what love looks like. What sort of shape does it have? What sort of height does it have? What sort of feet does it have? What sort of hands does it have? No one can say. Yet it has feet, for they lead to the Church. It has hands, for they stretch out to the poor person. It has eyes, for that is how he is in need is understood: Blessed, it says, is he who understands. Boniface Ramsey, Works of St. New City Press,Homily 7, Para 10, p. Quantum in te crescit amor, tantum crescit pulchritudo; quia ipsa charitas est animae pulchritudo.
Beauty grows in you to the extent that love grows, because charity itself is the soul 's beauty. Inasmuch as love grows in you, in so much beauty grows; for love is itself the beauty of the soul.
Meyers Since love grows within you, so beauty grows. For love is the beauty of the soul. Nondum amabam, et amare amabam I was not yet in loveyet I loved to love I sought what I might love, in love with loving. Augustine of Hippo in Confessions c. Late have I loved you, O Beauty ever ancient and ever new! The Maya also hunted large animals including tapirs, manatees, and felines—jaguars, ocelots, jaguarundis, and pumas. Tapir and jaguar bones, teeth, and skins seemed to have been important trade and ritual items.
The Maya also consumed various species of fish such as catfish and tarpon. Evidence suggests there was trade between inland cities and communities and coastal ones, the former sending deer in exchange for fish. In short, animals stood at the center of daily life, ritual practices, gender relationships, and regional trade networks in the classical and post-classical Maya world.
Research published during the past few decades has dramatically changed the habitual depiction of pre-Columbian Amazonia as a place with small, itinerant human populations that had limited impact on landscapes.
The current consensus is that pre-Columbian Amazonia had large human populations; people often lived in semi-permanent, even urban settlements and practiced semi-intensive forms of agriculture that involved the creation of fertile, deep soils dark earthsand built sophisticated networks of roads that allowed for the existence of complex societies.
More importantly, it is clear by now that Amazonian peoples dramatically altered and managed the various natural environments of Amazonia, including the flood plains, terra firme forest, and savannahs. Indigenous Amazonians cleared forests, extended savannahs through annual burning, and collected and dispersed the seeds of many different fruit trees.
Love - Wikiquote
These various activities had far-reaching effects on plant distribution across vast areas and, therefore, on animal populations. Hunting of a wide number of species likewise impacted the distribution and concentration of animals throughout pre-Columbian Amazonia. The connection between the Old and New Worlds—which had disappeared under rising sea levels as the massive ice sheets of the northern hemisphere melted sometime in the 10th millennium bce—was reestablished on October 12, This momentous episode brought to the Americas a vast array of organisms, animals, humans, and, tragically for millions of Amerindians who lacked immunity to them, new pathogens.
Less well known than the human demographic collapse is that the population of some New World species such as llamas also declined precipitously. Europeans also brought over plants, including wheat, rye, oranges, sugarcane, and coffee, all of which took easily to the new environment.
New World exports consisted mostly of plants: The turkey became the only American animal species widely adopted in the Old World, but its impact on landscapes and societies was limited.
This means that when Columbus brought a few horses, cattle, pigs, sheep, and goats to Espanola on his second voyage, their populations exploded. Within a few decades, many individuals became semi-feral and spread through the forests of the island. They displaced local fauna and often radically transformed these ecosystems by trampling and eating a flora that had no evolutionary defenses against the new attackers.
Such ungulate irruptions, as experts call them, follow a somewhat predictable pattern. A new herbivore species colonizes a new habitat.
The abundance of ungrazed vegetation leads to explosive population growth through the reduction of the time between births. Soon after, the demographic increase overshoots the carrying capacity of the local ecosystem, and the population crashes and roughly stabilizes at a much lower number, though not before severely degrading the landscape and causing the replacement of the native grasses by unpalatable varieties of plants armed with thorns to dissuade enemies.
One such ungulate irruption appears to have taken place in 16th-century New Spain. After overstocking their new properties, the animal population crashed. For one historian, this event led to the permanent degradation of what used to be a rich agricultural region into an eroded landscape covered in scrub vegetation.
Critics point to evidence that the Spanish used transhumance, a strategy habitual in Spain to prevent land erosion due to overgrazing, to mitigate this problem in the Valle del Mezquital.
Animals in Latin American History
The indigenous demographic collapse in the 16th century due to exposure to new diseases with the resulting abandonment of agricultural terraces may have also contributed to rapid soil erosion. Finally, the onset of the Little Ice Age roughly — likely increased the aridity of the region. Still missing from this picture is an account that takes animal behavior and agency more seriously in explaining the environmental transformations of the Valley del Mezquital in the 16th century and of the Spanish colonial world at large.
Along with silver and gold, the newly conquered territories of the Americas were sending hundreds of ships to Seville every year loaded with birds, monkeys, jaguars, armadillos, and a great variety of other animals. The first cabinets of curiosities the precursors to museums that appeared in the 16th century in Europe prized American animals for their exotic qualities.
In fact, contact with the natural environment and the fossil and extant fauna of Brazil, Argentina, Chile, and the Galapagos Archipelago, among other places in what is today Latin America, was central to the thought of Alexander von Humboldt and Charles Darwin, the two main figures in European natural history during the first and second halves of the 19th century, respectively.
Cuba, which began to industrialize in the first decades of the 19th century on the basis of its sugar industry, is an illustrative case.
New technologies such as the steam engine, mechanized vacuum evaporators, and railroads linking increasingly mechanized sugar mills with shipping ports were introduced and built across the country starting in the s to serve sugar production. By mid-century, Cuba had one of the most extensive railway systems in the world and was one the most rapidly industrializing economies in Latin America. To the contrary, animals became crucial components of this emerging industrial society. Oxen, horses, and mules remained ubiquitous in factories, sugar mills, and cities in Cuba.
Oxen teams were particularly common, for they were hardy and relatively cheap animals compared to horses. Oxen carried the sugarcane to railway stations or nearby shipping ports and brought back merchandise and various goods to the sugar plantations.
Oxen also provided essential services by hauling firewood and sugar pulp within the plantations. Eventually, animals became marginal as a source of energy in the region.
This shift away from animal labor marked a profound historical transition. Since the arrival of human beings in the Americas at the end of the Pleistocene until the advent of the steam engine and, later on, of the internal combustion engine, humans relied on their own bodies and those of other animals for power.
The transition from an animal-based energy regime to a fossil-fueled society enabled the unprecedented rates of economic and population growth, industrial production, and environmental change that characterized 20th-century Latin America.
Much of this nutrient came in the form of bird excrement or guano, which had accumulated over centuries on islands off the rainless Peruvian coast and across the Pacific Ocean.
The guano trade collapse in the late 19th century underwent a revival in the first decades of the 20th and received a death blow when overfishing for the production of fishmeal to serve as feed to livestock in the meat-hungry post affluent North caused the decline of bird populations along the coast of Peru. The rise of industrial societies in Latin America has had a profound effect on animal lives, both domesticated and wild. Not only have fossil-fueled technologies rid cities and farms of animal laborers and turned domesticates into either pets or sources of food, but industrialization has also given humans an enormous capacity to transform nature and become a geological agent in its own right.
The earth has witnessed only five similar events. The worst of these events occurred around million years ago and wiped out about 95 percent of all species extant at the time. The last event occurred 66 million years ago and marked the demise of as much as 80 percent of animal and plant species, including non-avian dinosaurs. If the sixth mass extinction takes place, it will be unique.
Not only will it occur faster than any of the previous five which unfolded over tens of thousands to millions of yearsbut there will be no doubting its cause: Latin America is a crucial center for global biodiversity and offers illustrative cases of the current extinction crisis. Due to overhunting and the overexploitation of its marine food sources by humans, the Caribbean monk seal Monachus tropicalis vanished in the s.
The human-animal relationship : forever and a day
In the s, the last Mexican grizzly bear Ursus arctos was shot in northwestern Mexico after decades of a relentless extermination campaign that sought to protect ranching interests. In all of these cases, increasing human activity—enabled by the vast demographic and technological changes brought about by fossil-fueled industrialization—was the ultimate cause of extinction. Discussion of the Literature The history of animals in Latin America, broadly conceived, has explored a wide variety of topics, regions, and periods.
Most of this scholarship takes a decidedly anthropocentric perspective and has been done by archaeologists, historians of different stripes, and anthropologists. In addition to this humanistic tradition, there is a vast, separate body of work on animals in natural history, evolutionary biology, zoology, and ethology that dates back to the 19th century and remains vibrant to this day.
Few, if any, of these scholars would consider themselves animal historians. In that sense, the animal history of Latin America, as practiced in the United States and Europe, where animals are the focus of the story, has barely begun. Most recent work has explored the history of animal welfare and conservation efforts, elite hunting practices, colonial understandings of animals and their place in human society, and the relationship between animals and science as well as that between animals and modern states.
This new literature on Latin American animal history seems to be characterized by two traits. First, there is certain skepticism of the notion that animals have culture and a concomitant resistance to think of animals as historical actors with a different nonhuman type of agency. This tendency diverges from scholars in animal studies, environmental humanities, and ethology, many of whom have abandoned such reservations. Second, animal historians of Latin America remain drawn to the methods and theories of disciplines such as literary studies and cultural anthropology, rather than to research in evolutionary biology, animal cognition, and animal behavior.
This latter work may provide historians with tools to work around a historical record with few animal traces by, for instance, using present-day ethological research to interpret past animal behavior. Primary Sources Animal historians have become quite creative in extracting information about animals from a wide variety of primary sources, both published and unpublished.
Although social historians face similar challenges when writing histories from below, animal historians confront an even more acute problem with animals. Unlike human subalterns, animals communicate in ways that humans have historically been unable to understand or uninterested in understanding. A wide array of police and legislative records, photographs, logbooks, tribute lists, and hunting permits await the inquisitive animal historian. Historians with the appropriate skills and training can take advantage of zooarcheological and paleontological evidence stored in specialized collections.
Historians working on the colonial period can consult a wide variety of published primary sources, from hunting manuals to the chronicles, natural histories, treatises, and dictionaries by Spanish and colonial authors. For historians focused on more recent periods, published works in natural history and, after circamore specialized Latin American, European, and US journals and bulletins on zoology, veterinary medicine, and agronomy, as well as animal, scientific, and natural-history collections represent an invaluable source.
Further Reading Alves, Abel.