Zulu people - Wikipedia
SIMILARITIES: 1. Our languages (isiXhosa & isiZulu) are mutually intelligible. a Zulu and a Xhosa person can have a conversation, both. Islam, which belonged to the marginalised religious traditions during the era of . the relationship between the Muslim artisans and the Nguni-Xhosa-speaking . of their Xhosa or Zulu names or else they complemented the meaning of these. The largest rural concentration of Zulu people is in Kwa-Zulu Natal. between the Xhosa and the Zulu has no basis in culture or history, but These groups moved about within their loosely defined territories in social, and economic links between chiefs of these emerging power blocs and their subjects.
Dissident figure Our recent national opinion survey see Focus 6 and 7 showed that the identification of Xhosa-speakers with the ANC was strong enough for there to be a suspicion among many other South Africans that they are the principal beneficiaries of ANC rule. Whites and Asians were the most likely to state such a view overtly though anecdotal evidence suggests that this politically incorrect view is privately held by many Africans too. Strikingly, however, the survey also showed that in the Xhosa heartland of the Eastern Cape it was the dissident figure of Bantu Holomisa who emerged as the voters' leading presidential choice with 25 per cent support.
The ANC was sufficiently rattled by this finding to mount a propaganda campaign against Holomisa, distributing in enormous numbers a special pamphlet aimed at destroying the general's reputation among the party faithful.
For what our survey had revealed was that the ANC's great voter bastion of the Eastern Cape was now deeply divided and that Holomisa had also picked up substantial support among the Xhosa population living in the huge squatter camps around Cape Town. The effect was to focus attention as never before on the Xhosa vote. To understand how one got here one must start with the determination of the Verwoerd government to deal with the problem of the politicised Xhosa by making the Transkei the first self-governing bantustan.
The result was to create a historic split among the territories of the chiefly families and thus an intimate crisis for the ANC whose leaders were closely associated with them. Nelson Mandela's cousins, the Matanzimas, sided with the Sigcaus and the Madikizelas Winnie Mandela's family in favour of self-government, while the Tembu chief, Sabata Dalinyebo, led the opposition to the move.
Ultimately the two Matanzima brothers, Kaiser and George, both became prime ministers of the Transkei, the Pondo paramount chief, Botha Sigcau, became its first president and Winnie's father, Columbus Madikizela, became a cabinet minister in the Transkei government. Dalinyebo resisted bravely but was finally forced to flee into exile, dying tragically in Zambia.
When his remains were brought back for burial at the Great Place of the Tembus, the Matanzima government swooped on the body the day before the burial and interred it elsewhere.
Stella Sigcau, Chief Botha Sigcau's daughter, became one of the longest serving ministers in the Transkei government but was forced to resign by Kaiser Matanzima in I because she was unmarried and pregnant. Returning to government in she nonetheless had a troubled relationship with George Matanzima and when the latter was forced out of office in a welter of corruption charges inStella was accordingly chosen to succeed him because she was seen as his opponent.
However, when the Alexander Commission revealed that amid the general corruption she had accepted R50 from the R2 million bribe paid to Matanzima by the hotel magnate, Sol Kerzner, she was deposed by her indignant defence force chief, General Bantu Holomisa - for Holomisa and his cadre of young officers had supported Stella's accession to power as part of an anti-corruption drive and were outraged to discover that she too was tainted.
For tine next seven years Holomisa ruled the Transkei.
The son of a chief himself his nephew, Pathekile Holomisa, is the leader of the Congress of Traditional Leaders Contralesa. Holomisa restored power and prestige to the chiefs who had suffered under the Matanzimas but, anxious not to create further dissension among the chiefly elite, was careful to leave the Matanzimas alone: But in a major gesture of redress, he also had Dalinyebo's body disinterred and reburied in its rightful position at the Great Place.
- The truth about the Xhosa Nostra
Holomisa took an extremely bold stance against the National Party government and by the time the ANC, PAC and SACP were legalised in he had achieved considerable popularity among black radicals, though he was careful not to join any party organisation.
Hani spent most of his time in the Transkei, building up both MK and his own regional base there. He, too, was not above occasionally flattering ethnic pride, claiming that Xhosas had been Umkhonto's bravest fighters - a claim which produced bitter allegations of Xhosa favouritism within MK. Hani, alone among the ANC exile leadership, went to great lengths to gain a sympathy and understanding of the African grassroots sentiment from which his sojourn in exile had distanced him.
Certainly, the contrast between Hani and his leadership rival, Thabo Mbeki, was striking: Mbeki set out to charm the white business community, attempted to get the ANC to abandon economic sanctions, distanced himself from the communist party just as Hani was electing to take over as its leader, and was soon appearing in photographs driving his BMW and carousing at his birthday party with Sol Kerzner.
Succession struggle The Holomisa-Hani alliance was inevitably a threat to other Xhosa politicians, for it threatened to upstage them all. Hani's new regional base, added to his MK and SACP leadership and his popularity among the youth, made him the virtually certain successor to Mandela.
By supporting Hani, Holomisa was in effect taking the anti-Mbeki side in the succession struggle; it also meant that he was quickly being touted as the next minister of defence. The ANC, conscious of Holomisa's popularity and worried that the PAC might take as much as 30 per cent of the Eastern Cape vote, wooed him hard and promised him a leading list position.
Whatever criticisms the ANC may have of Holomisa now, the fact is that they were happy to overlook them then.
But Holomisa repeatedly turned down such invitations, apparently keen, as a Xhosa-speaking leader, to keep in touch with both the ANC and PAC, enjoying support in his locale and showing more concern for provincial matters. He gave his implicit support to the idea of a tenth, Kei province, consisting of the Transkei and the border area the territory from the Fish River to Umzimkulu and, when that failed, supported Umtata's claims to become the Eastern Cape's capital.
The old Transkei, with its four million people, had been ruled almost exclusively in the interests of its 30, civil servants and the small clique of chiefs and businessmen linked to them. This group rallied behind these demands and, increasingly, began to look back on the period of Holomisa's rule as the good old days.
In the new Eastern Cape province the civil servants would be less important, might have trouble hanging onto their fat pay increases or even their jobs altogether.
The chiefs, for their part, disliked the rival pretensions of the civic association activists grouped under the Sanco banner. Before long members of this Transkei old guard were trekking over to the president's retirement home at Qunu to lobby Mandela against these unwelcome changes -and against the new communist provincial premier, Raymond Mhlaba. Holomisa, whom Mandela treated almost as a son and who became the virtual guardian of the Qunu retreat, could have expected to become the premier either of a new Kei Province or of the Eastern Cape -but he made no move to consolidate his position or advance his claims, only finally giving in to pressure to join the ANC just before the election.
Stella Sigcau, by contrast, had taken care to reintegrate herself into ANC structures and was elected chairperson of the Transkei section of the ANC women's league in July She was duly nominated as premier of the Eastern Cape.
So was Steve Tshwete, who had similarly developed a base in his native border region. But the communist party was solid behind Mhlaba. This was decisive and Sigcau cannily withdrew in his favour. When the government of national unity was formed in there was widespread surprise that Sigcau should be given a full cabinet position as minister for public enterprises. Some saw this as a gesture by Mandela towards the Transkei chiefly elite in general, others as a more specific attempt to heal the split in that elite going all the way back to Transkei self-government in - and there was an almost universal assumption that the appointment could not have happened had not both Mandela and Sigcau been Xhosas.
Almost equally striking was the fact that Holomisa was only deputy minister for the environment "deputy minister of rubbish" as Transkeians put it. From the first tension between the two was patent: Sigcau could never forgive Holomisa for having deposed her, while he clearly felt that the reasons which had led him to depose her still applied.
Rites of passage[ edit ] Further information: Xhosa clan names The Xhosa are a South African cultural group who emphasise traditional practices and customs inherited from their forefathers.
Each person within the Xhosa culture has his or her place which is recognised by the entire community. Starting from birth, a Xhosa person goes through graduation stages which recognise his growth and assign him a recognised place in the community. Each stage is marked by a specific ritual aimed at introducing the individual to their counterparts and also to their ancestors. Starting from imbeleko, a ritual performed to introduce a new born to the ancestors, to umphumo the homecomingfrom inkwenkwe a boy to indoda a man.
These rituals and ceremonies are still practiced today, but many urbanised Xhosa people do not follow them rigidly.
The ulwaluko and intonjane are also traditions which separated this tribe from the rest of the Nguni tribes. These are performed to mark the transition from child to adulthood. Zulus once performed the ritual but King Shaka stopped it because of war in the s. This topic has caused arguments and fights among Xhosa and Zulus; each side sees itself as superior to the other because it practices or forsakes some customs.
Xhosa people - Wikipedia
All these rituals are symbolic of one's development. Before each is performed, the individual spends time with community elders to prepare for the next stage. The elders' teachings are not written, but transmitted from generation to generation by oral tradition.
The iziduko clan for instance—which matters most to the Xhosa identity even more than names and surnames are transferred from one to the other through oral tradition. Knowing your isiduko is vital to the Xhosas and it is considered a shame and uburhanuka lack-of-identity if one doesn't know one's clan. This is considered so important that when two strangers meet for the first time, the first identity that gets shared is isiduko. It is so important that two people with the same surname but different clan are considered total strangers but the same two people from the same clan but different surnames are regarded as close relatives.
This forms the roots of ubuntu human kindness — a behaviour synonymous to this tribe as extending a helping hand to a complete stranger when in need. Ubuntu goes further than just helping one another — it is so deep that it even extends to looking after and reprimanding your neighbour's child when in the wrong. Hence the saying "it takes a village to raise a child". One traditional ritual that is still regularly practiced is the manhood ritual, a secret rite that marks the transition from boyhood to manhood, ulwaluko.
After ritual circumcisionthe initiates abakwetha live in isolation for up to several weeks, often in the mountains. During the process of healing they smear white clay on their bodies and observe numerous taboos. In modern times the practice has caused controversy, with over circumcision- and initiation-related deaths sinceand the spread of sexually transmitted infectionsincluding HIVvia the practice of circumcising initiates with the same blade. Titled Umthunzi Wentaba, the series was taken off the air after complaints by traditional leaders that the rites are secret and not to be revealed to non-initiates and women.
It features a gallery of photographs of injured penises, which sparked outrage amongst traditional leaders in the Eastern Cape. They too are secluded, though for a shorter period. Female initiates are not circumcised.
This is reflected in the traditional greeting Inkaba yakho iphi? Most importantly, it determines where you belong". These rituals have been practiced for decades by the Xhosa people and have been incorporated into modern day Xhosa marriages as well. The purpose of the practices is to bring together two different families and to give guidance to the newly wed couple throughout. Decades before Ukuthwalwa would entail legal bridal abduction, where the man could choose a woman of his liking to be his bride and go into negotiations with the family of the bride without her knowledge or consent.
She would have to abide to the marriage as per tradition. During this discussion the clan name, isiduko, of the woman would be revealed and researched. It is these very negotiators that will travel to the family of the woman to make known the man and his intentions.
Once the negotiators reach the family of the woman they will be kept in the kraal, inkundla, of the woman's family. If the family do not possess a kraal they will simply be kept outside the household as they will not be allowed to enter the household without the acknowledgement and acceptance of the woman's family. It is here where the lobola dowry negotiations will begin. The family of the woman will give them a bride-price and a date for which they must return to pay that price. The bride-price is dependent on numerous things such as her level of education, the wealth status of her family in comparison to that of the man's family, what the man stands to gain in the marriage and the overall desirability of the woman.
The payment of the bride-price could be in either cattle or money depending on the family of the woman. The modern Xhosa families would rather prefer money as most are situated in the urban cities where there would be no space nor permits for livestock.
Once the lobola from the man's negotiators is accepted then they will be considered married by the Xhosa tradition and the celebrations would commence.