Identity Politics (Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy)
A fantasy bond exists when the form of a relationship becomes more important than the This loss of identity is detrimental to sustaining romantic love. Quotes from Anthony Giddens. Giddens, Anthony (), Modernity and self- identity. Self and . The pure relationship is focused on intimacy, which is a major condition of any long-term stability the partners might achieve. Theme quotes. Money and Materialism; The American Dream; Love and Relationships. Symbol quotes. The green light; The eyes of Doctor T.J.
Charles Taylor argues that the modern identity is characterized by an emphasis on its inner voice and capacity for authenticity—that is, the ability to find a way of being that is somehow true to oneself Taylor While doctrines of equality press the notion that each human being is capable of deploying his or her practical reason or moral sense to live an authentic live qua individual, the politics of difference has appropriated the language of authenticity to describe ways of living that are true to the identities of marginalized social groups.
As Sonia Kruks puts it: What makes identity politics a significant departure from earlier, pre-identarian forms of the politics of recognition is its demand for recognition on the basis of the very grounds on which recognition has previously been denied: Rather, what is demanded is respect for oneself as different For many proponents of identity politics this demand for authenticity includes appeals to a time before oppression, or a culture or way of life damaged by colonialism, imperialism, or even genocide.
Thus for example Taiaiake Alfred, in his defense of a return to traditional indigenous values, argues that: Indigenous governance systems embody distinctive political values, radically different from those of the mainstream. Western notions of domination human and natural are noticeably absent; in their place we find harmony, autonomy, and respect.
We have a responsibility to recover, understand, and preserve these values, not only because they represent a unique contribution to the history of ideas, but because renewal of respect for traditional values is the only lasting solution to the political, economic, and social problems that beset our people.
Thus identity politics rests on unifying claims about the meaning of politically laden experiences to diverse individuals. Sometimes the meaning attributed to a particular experience will diverge from that of its subject: Making sense of such disjunctions relies on notions such as false consciousness—the systematic mystification of the experience of the oppressed by the perspective of the dominant.
Thus despite the disagreements of many defenders of identity political claims with Marxism and other radical political models, they share the view that individuals' perceptions of their own interests may be systematically distorted and must be somehow freed of their misperceptions by group-based transformation.
Concern about this aspect of identity politics has crystallized around the transparency of experience to the oppressed, and the univocality of its interpretation. Experience is never, critics argue, simply epistemically available prior to interpretation Scott ; rather it requires a theoretical framework—implicit or explicit—to give it meaning. This, critics charge, closes off the possibility of critique of these perspectives by those who don't share the experience, which in turn inhibits political dialogue and coalition-building.
Nonetheless, poststructuralist skepticism about the possibility of experience outside a hermeneutic frame has been countered with phenomenological attempts to articulate a ground for experience in the lived body Alcoff ; see also Oksala and ; Stoller From these understandings of subjectivity, it is easy to see how critics of identity politics, and even some cautious supporters, have feared that it is prone to essentialism.
This expression is another philosophical term of abuse, intended to capture a multitude of sins. In its original contexts in metaphysics, the term implies the belief that an object has a certain quality by virtue of which it is what it is; for Locke, famously, the essence of a triangle is that it is a three-sided shape. In the contemporary humanities the term is used more loosely to imply, most commonly, an illegitimate generalization about identity Heyes To the extent that identity politics urges mobilization around a single axis, it will put pressure on participants to identify that axis as their defining feature, when in fact they may well understand themselves as integrated selves who cannot be represented so selectively or even reductively Spelman The second form of essentialism is closely related to the first: Just as dominant groups in the culture at large insist that the marginalized integrate by assimilating to dominant norms, so within some practices of identity politics dominant sub-groups may, in theory and practice, impose their vision of the group's identity onto all its members.
For example, in his films Black Is, Black Ain't and Tongues Untied Marlon Riggs eloquently portrays the exclusion of Black women and gay Black men from heterosexist and masculinist understandings of African-American identity politics.
Others argue that a relational social ontology, which makes clear the fluidity and interdependence of social groups, should be developed as an alternative to the reification of other approaches to identity politics Young ; Nelson These accounts of subjectivity, ontologies, and ways of understanding solidarity and relationships have enduring importance in philosophical scholarship in identity politics.
Liberalism and Identity Politics A key condition of possibility for contemporary identity politics was institutionalized liberal democracy Brown The citizen mobilizations that made democracy real also shaped and unified groups previously marginal to the polity, while extensions of formal rights invited expectations of material and symbolic equality.
The perceived paucity of rewards offered by liberal capitalism, however, spurred forms of radical critique that sought to explain the persistence of oppression. At the most basic philosophical level, critics of liberalism suggested that liberal social ontology—the model of the nature of and relationship between subjects and collectives—was misguided.
To the extent that group interests are represented in liberal polities, they tend to be understood as associational, forms of interest group pluralism whereby those sharing particular interests voluntarily join together to create a political lobby.
Citizens are free to register their individual preferences through voting, for exampleor to aggregate themselves for the opportunity to lobby more systematically e. These lobbies, however, are not defined by the identity of their members so much as by specific shared interests and goals, and when pressing their case the marginalized subjectivity of the group members is not itself called into question.
Finally, political parties, the other primary organs of liberal democratic government, critics suggest, have few moments of inclusivity, being organized around party discipline, responsiveness to lobby groups, and broad-based electoral popularity.
Ultimately conventional liberal democracy, diverse radical critics claim, cannot effectively address the ongoing structural marginalization that persists in late capitalist liberal states, and may even be complicit with it Young ; P. Williams ; Brown ; M. On a philosophical level, these understandings of the political subject and its relationship to collectivity came to seem inadequate to ensuring representation for women, gays and lesbians, or racial-ethnic groups M.
Critics charged that the neutral citizen of liberal theory was in fact the bearer of an identity coded white, male, bourgeois, able-bodied, and heterosexual Pateman ; Young ; Di Stefano ; Mills ; Pateman and Mills This implicit ontology in part explained the persistent historical failure of liberal democracies to achieve anything more than token inclusion in power structures for members of marginalized groups.
A richer understanding of political subjects as constituted through and by their social location was required. In particular, the history and experience of oppression brought with it certain perspectives and needs that could not be assimilated through existing liberal structures. Individuals are oppressed by virtue of their membership in a particular social group—that is, a collective whose members have relatively little mobility into or out of the collective, who usually experience their membership as involuntary, who are generally identified as members by others, and whose opportunities are deeply shaped by the relation of their group to corollary groups through privilege and oppression Cudd Oppression, then, is the systematic limiting of opportunity or constraints on self-determination because of such membership: I already knew that there were legends, stories, history, and above all historicity… I was responsible at the same time for my body, my race, for my ancestors.
For example, in a widely cited article Peggy McIntosh identifies whiteness as a dominant identity, and lists 47 ways in which she is advantaged by being white compared with her colleagues of color. Critics have also charged that assimilation or, less provocatively, integration is a guiding principle of liberalism. If the liberal subject is coded in the way Young suggests, then attempts to apply liberal norms of equality will risk demanding that the marginalized conform to the identities of their oppressors.
If this is equality, they claim, then it looks suspiciously like the erasure of socially subordinate identities rather than their genuine incorporation into the polity.
This suspicion helps to explain the affiliation of identity politics with separatism.
This latter is a set of positions that share the view that attempts at integration of dominant and marginalized groups so consistently compromise the identity or potential of the less powerful that a distinct social and political space is the only structure that will adequately protect them. Analogous arguments have been made on behalf of Native American and other indigenous peoples and African Americans e. Lesbian feminist separatists have claimed that the central mechanism for the oppression of women under patriarchy is heterosexuality.
Understanding heterosexuality as a forced contract or compulsory institution, they argue that women's relationships with men are persistently characterized by domination and subordination. Only divorce literal and figurative and the creation of new geographic and political communities of woman-identified women will end patriarchal exploitation, and forge a liberatory female identity Rich ; Frye ; Radicalesbians ; Wittig One of the central charges against identity politics by liberals, among others, has been its alleged reliance on notions of sameness to justify political mobilization.
Looking for people who are like you rather than who share your political values as allies runs the risk of sidelining critical political analysis of complex social locations and ghettoizing members of social groups as the only persons capable of making or understanding claims to justice. After an initial wave of relatively uncompromising identity politics, proponents have taken these criticisms to heart and moved to more philosophically nuanced accounts that appeal to coalitions as better organizing structures.
On this view, separatism around a single identity formation must be muted by recognition of the internally heterogeneous and overlapping nature of social group memberships. This trajectory—from formal inclusion in liberal polities, to assertions of difference and new demands under the rubric of identity politics, to internal and external critique of identity political movements—has taken different forms in relation to different identities.
Increasingly it is difficult to see what divides contemporary positions, and some commentators have suggested possible rapprochements between liberalism and identity politics e. Class in particular has a distinctively different political history, and contemporary critics of identity politics, as I'll discuss below, often take themselves to be defending class analysis against identity politics' depoliticizing effects.
Of those many forms of identity politics to which large academic literatures attach, however, I'll briefly highlight key issues concerning gender, sexuality, and a complex cluster of race, ethnicity and multiculturalism. Gender and Feminism Twentieth century feminism has consistently opposed biological determinism: Feminist identity politics, then, takes up the task of articulating women's understandings of themselves and of men without reducing femininity or masculine dominance to biology.
Whatever experiences women share will be experiences of femininity not necessarily resulting from an immutable sexual difference but rather from social injustice. The fear of biological determinism has led to tremendous caution in feminist theorizing: Furthermore, the very idea of reclaiming women's identities from patriarchy has been criticized as merely an affirmation of a slave morality—a Nietzschean term describing the attachments of the oppressed as they rationalize and valorize their condition.
Carol Gilligan is the best known proponent of this position although the details of her complex paradigm are often glossed over or misrepresented Gilligan .Latest Best Ideas about Trust Quotes - Relationship Trust Quotes - Inspirational Quotes
Her critics charge that she reifies femininity—were women not oppressed, they would not speak in the voice of care, thus casting doubt on the desirability of attempts to reclaim it as part of a liberatory framework. In other words, the current construction of femininity is so deeply imbricated with the oppression of women that such attempts will always end up reinforcing the very discourse they seek to undermine Butler  ; this critique has strong affiliations with poststructuralism which are discussed below.
The most often discussed and criticized second wave feminist icons—women such as Betty Friedan or Gloria Steinem—are white, middle-class, and heterosexual, although this historical picture too often neglects the contributions of lesbian feminists, feminists of color, and working-class feminists, which were less visible in popular culture, perhaps, but arguably equally influential in the lives of women.
For some early radical feminists, women's oppression as women was the core of identity politics, and should not be diluted with other identity issues. Thus for Black women to fight racism especially among white women was to divide the feminist movement, which properly focused on challenging patriarchy, understood as struggle between men and women, the foundational dynamic of all oppressions Firestone Claims about the universality of gender made during the second wave have been extensively criticized in feminist theory for failing to recognize the specificity of their own constituencies.
For example, Friedan's famous proposition that women needed to get out of the household and into the professional workplace was, bell hooks pointed out, predicated on the experience of a post-war generation of white, middle-class married women confined to housekeeping and child-rearing by their professional husbands Friedan ; hooks The question of what a global feminism should make of identity political claims, or how it should conceive solidarity among women from massively different locations within the global economic system remains open Weir Thus feminist claims made about the oppression of women founded in a notion of shared experience and identity are now invariably greeted with philosophical suspicion.
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Some critics have charged that this suspicion itself has become excessive, undercutting the very possibility of generalizations about women that gives feminist theory its force Martinor that it marks the distancing of feminist philosophy from its roots in political organizing. Others suggest alternative methods for feminist theory that will minimize the emphasis on shared criteria of membership in a social group and stress instead the possibilities for alliances founded on non-identical connections Young ; Heyes ; Cornell Nonetheless, sex-gender as a set of analytical categories continues to guide feminist thought, albeit in troubled and troubling ways.
From Gay and Lesbian to Queer Nowhere have conceptual struggles over identity been more pronounced than in the lesbian and gay liberation movement.
The notion that sexual object choice can define who a person is has been profoundly challenged by the advent of queer politics. Visible early lesbian and gay activists emphasized the immutable and essential natures of their sexual identities. For some, they were a distinctively different natural kind of person, with the same rights as heterosexuals another natural kind to find fulfillment in marriage, property ownership, and so on.
This strand of gay organizing perhaps associated more closely with white, middle-class gay men, at least until the radicalizing effects of the AIDS pandemic with its complex simultaneous appeals to difference and to sameness has a genealogy going back to pre-Stonewall homophilic activism see discussion in Terry, esp.
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While early lesbian feminists had a very different politics, oriented around liberation from patriarchy and the creation of separate spaces for woman-identified women, many still appealed to a more authentic, distinctively feminist self.
Heterosexual feminine identities were products of oppression, yet the literature imagines a utopian alternative where woman-identification will liberate the lesbian within every woman e. Michel Foucault's work, especially his History of Sexuality, is the most widely cited progenitor of this view: Foucault famously argues that homosexuality appeared as one of the forms of sexuality when it was transposed from the practice of sodomy onto a kind of interior androgyny, a hermaphrodism of the soul.
The sodomite had been a temporary aberration; the homosexual was now a species. In western popular culture such theories co-exist uneasily with biologically essentialist accounts of sexual identity, which look for a particular gene, brain structure, or other biological feature that is noninteractive with environment and that will explain same-sex sexual desire.
If sexual identity is biologically caused, then it is as hard to hold an individual morally responsible for being homosexual as it is to blame someone for being Black which may not be as hard as some would like to think. Whatever the truth of these fears, Eve Sedgwick is right, in my view, to say that no specific form of explanation for the origins of sexual preference will be proof against the infinitely varied strategies of homophobia Sedgwick In addition to historicizing and contextualizing sexuality, including the very idea of sexual identity, the shift to queer is also characterized by deconstructive methods.
Rather than understanding sexual identities as a set of discrete and independent social types, queer theorists adduce evidence and read to emphasize their mutual implication: Heterosexuality comes into existence as a way of understanding the nature of individuals after the homosexual has been diagnosed; homosexuality requires heterosexuality as its opposite, despite its self-professed stand-alone essence.
An exemplary conflict within the identity politics of sexuality focuses on the expansion of gay and lesbian organizing to those with other queer affiliations, especially bisexual and transgendered activists. Some lesbian feminist critiques of transgender, for example, see male-to-female transsexuals in particular as male infiltrators of women's space, individuals so intent on denying their male privilege that they will modify their bodies and attempt to pass as women to do it; bisexual women dabble in lesbian life, but flee to straight privilege when occasion demands see Heyes for references and discussion.
These arguments have been challenged in turn by writers who see them as attempts to justify purity of identity that merely replace the old exclusions with new dictatorships Stone ; Lugones and inhibit coalitional organizing against conservative foes.
What it does pick out is a set of social meanings with political ramifications Alcoff The most notorious example of an attempt to rationalize racial difference as biological is the U. In those countries that have had official racial classifications, individuals' struggles to be re-classified almost always as a member of a more privileged racial group are often invoked to highlight the contingency of race, especially at the borders of its categories.
And a number of histories of racial groups that have apparently changed their racial identification—Jews, Italians, or the Irish, for example—also illustrate social constructionist theses Ignatiev Indeed, the very contingency of race and its lack of correlation with categories that have more meaning in everyday life such as ethnicity or culture may circumscribe its political usefulness: Tropes of separatism and the search for forms of authentic self-expression are related to race via ethno-cultural understandings of identity: Afro-centric movement appeals to the cultural significance of African heritage for Black Americans Asante Racial categories are perhaps most politically significant in their contested relation to racism.
Racism attempts to reduce members of social groups to their racial features, drawing on a complex history of racial stereotypes to do so. Racism is arguably analogous to other forms of oppression in being both overt and institutionalized, manifested both as deliberate acts by individuals and as unplanned systemic outcomes.
The specific direction of US discussion of the categories of race has been around color-blind versus color-conscious public policy Appiah and Gutmann Color-blindness—that is, the view that race should be ignored in public policy and everyday exchange—has hegemony in popular discourse. Drawing attention to race—whether in a personal description or in university admissions procedures—is unfair and racist. Advocates of color-consciousness, on the other hand, argue that racism will not disappear without proactive efforts, which require the invocation of race.
Thus affirmative action, for example, requires statistics about the numbers of members of oppressed racial groups employed in certain contexts, which in turn requires racial identification and categorization. Thus those working against racism face a paradox familiar in identity politics: The literature on multiculturalism takes up questions of race, ethnicity, and cultural diversity in relation to the liberal state.
Some multicultural states—notably Canada—allegedly aim to permit the various cultural identities of their residents to be preserved rather than assimilated, despite the concern that the over-arching liberal aims of such states may be at odds with the values of those they claim to protect.
For example, Susan Moller Okin argues that multiculturalism is sometimes bad for women, especially when it works to preserve patriarchal values in minority cultures.
Okin's critics counter that she falsely portrays culture as static, internally homogeneous, and defined by men's values, allowing liberalism to represent a culturally unmarked medium for the defense of individual rights Okin et al.
For many commentators on multiculturalism this is the nub of the issue: Can liberalism sustain the cultural and value-neutrality that some commentators still ascribe to it, or to what extent should it embrace its own cultural specificity Taylor ; Habermas ; Foster and Herzog ; Kymlicka ; Deveaux ?
Defenders of the right to cultural expression of minorities in multicultural states thus practice forms of identity politics that are both made possible by liberalism and sometimes in tension with it see Laden and Owen Contemporary philosophical engagement with identity politics Since its s vogue, identity politics as a mode of organizing and set of political philosophical positions has undergone numerous attacks by those motivated to point to its flaws, whether by its pragmatic exclusions or more programmatically.
Marxists, both orthodox and revisionist, and socialists—especially those who came of age during the rise of the New Left in western countries—have often interpreted the perceived ascendancy of identity politics as representing the end of radical materialist critique see discussions in Farred and McNay Identity politics, for these critics, is both factionalizing and depoliticizing, drawing attention away from the ravages of late capitalism toward superstructural cultural accommodations that leave economic structures unchanged.
More recent scholarship challenges the politics of recognition from other directions. For example, Glen Coulthard argues that the shift in colonial state-indigenous relations in present-day Canada from unabashed assimilationism to demands for mutual recognition especially of cultural distinctiveness cannot be an adequate decolonization strategy.
Reading the intellectual history of the politics of recognition through Hegel to Sartre to Fanon to Benhabib, Coulthard argues that this discourse is a reiteration and sometimes a cover-up of the patriarchal, racist, and colonial relations between indigenous people and the Canadian state that it purports to ameliorate. Instead, he defends a paradigm of critical indigenous resurgence that draws on cultural history and economic practices that are neither essentialized nor romanticized, but that also do not rest on concession-oriented relation building with the existing Canadian state The reasons given for the alleged turn away from economic oppression to themes of culture, language, and identity in contemporary politics differ.
First, the institutionalization of North American radicalism in the middle-class bastion of academia creates incentives for intellectuals to minimize the political importance of their own class privilege, and focus instead on other identities in turn divorced from their economic inflections. Second, as Wendy Brown suggests, capitalist suffering may have been displaced onto other identities, interpreted through the lens of class aspiration Brown Third, the turn away from economic analysis may be less dramatic than some critics believe.
Global capitalism is widening the gap between the over- and less-developed countries, and working to further marginalize women, ethnic or indigenous minorities, and the disabled in the so-called Third and Fourth Worlds. How is twenty-first century anti-capitalist activism imbricated with identity politics Upping the Anti ?
There is discussion of the relationship between popular protest against inequalities of wealth and other political movements: What does Occupy owe to feminist and civil rights organizing and consciousness-raising tactics, and why should worsening economic disparities be understood as feminist and anti-racist struggles as well as struggles of class? Has Occupy in North America reckoned with its implication with the history of settler colonialism? More general debates about the philosophical adequacy of a politics of recognition continue: Although theorists of recognition typically start from a Hegelian model of the subject as dialogically formed and necessarily situated, they too quickly abandon the radical consequences of such a view for subject formation, McNay argues.
Self and society in the late modern age. Cambridge Polity PressThe thesis that risk assessment itself is inherently risky is nowhere better borne out than in the area of high-consequence risks. Cambridge Polity PressHigh-consequence risks have a distinctive quality.
The more calamitous the hazards they involve, the less we have any real experience of what we risk: Cambridge Polity PressThe body is in some sense perennially at risk.
The possibility of bodily injury is ever-present, even in the most familiar of surroundings. Cambridge Polity PressLife-planning takes account of a 'package' of risks rather than calculating the implications of distinct segments of risky behaviour. Taking certain risks in pursuit of a given lifestyle, in other words, is accepted to be within 'tolerable limits' as part of the overall package.
Thinking in terms of risk becomes more or less inevitable and most people will ne conscious also of the risks of refusing to think in this way, even if they may choose to ignore those risks. In the charged reflexive settings of high modernity, living on 'automatic pilot' becomes more and more difficult to do, and it becomes less and less possible to protect any lifestyle, no matter how firmly pre-established, from the generalised risk climate.
Cambridge Polity PressThe risk climate of modernity is thus unsettling for everyone: Cambridge Polity PressRisk concerns future happenings - as related to present practices - and the colonising of the future therefore opens up new settings of risk, some of which are institutionally organised.
Cambridge Polity PressTo live in the universe of high modernity is to live in an environment of chance and risk, the ineveitable concomitants of a system geared to the domination of nature and the reflexive making of history. Fate and destiny have no formal part to play in such a system, which operates as a matter of principle via what I shall call open human control of the natural and social worlds.
Cambridge Polity PressBoth life-planning and the adoption of lifestyle options become in principle integrated with bodily regimes. It would be quite short-sighted to see this phenomenon only in terms of changing ideals of bodily appearance such as slimness or youthfulnessor as solely brought about by the commodifying influence of advertising.
We become responsible for the design of our own bodies, and in a certain sense noted above are forced to do so the more post-traditional the social contexts in which we move. Cambridge Polity PressThe body is an object in which we are all privileged, or doomed, to dwell, the source of feelings of well-being and pleasure, but also the site of illnesses and strains.
Cambridge Polity Press99 Fateful moments are threatening for the protective cocoon which defends the individual's ontological security, because the 'business as usual' attitude that is so important to that cocoon is inevitably broken through.
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They are moments when the individual must launch out into something new, knowing that a decision made, or a specific course of action followed, has an irreversible quality, or at least that it will be difficult thereafter to revert to the old paths. Cambridge Polity PressFateful moments are times when events come together in such a way that an individual stands, as it were, at a crossroads in his existence; or where a person learns of information with fateful consequences.
Cambridge Polity PressTime has to be killed is also, interestingly, quite often called 'free' time - it is time which is filled in, in between the more consequential sectors of life. Cambridge Polity PressThe protective cocoon is the [mantle of trust that makes possible the sustaining of a viable Umwelt - kursiv]. Cambridge Polity PressMastery, in other words, substitutes for morality; to be able to control one's life circumstances, colonise the future with some degree of success and live within the parameters of internally referential systems can, in many circumstances, allow the social and natural framework of things to seem a secure grounding for life activities.
Even therapy, as the exemplary form of the reflexive project of the self, can become a phenomenon of control - an internally referential system in itself. Cambridge Polity PressTo a greater or lesser degree, the project of the self becomes translated into one of the possession of desired goods and the pursuit of artificially framed styles of life.
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Not just lifestyles, but self-actualisation is packaged and distributed according to market criteria. Cambridge Polity PressAchieving control over change, in respect to lifestyle, demands an engagement with the outer social world rather than a retreat from it.
Cambridge Polity PressWhile emancipatory politics is a politics of life chances, life politics is a politics of lifestyle. Life politics is the politics of a reflexively mobilised order - the system of late modernity - which, on an individual and collective level, has radically altered the existential parameters of social activity. It is a politics of self-actualisation in a reflexively ordered environment, where that reflexivity links self and body to systems of global scope.
Cambridge Polity PressDeath is only a 'problem' when it is premature death - when a person has not lived out whatever, given certain risks, a table of life expectancy might suggest. Cambridge Polity Press[D]eath is unintelligible exactly because it is the point zero at which control lapses. Cambridge Polity PressApocalypse has become banal, a set of statistical risk parameters to everyone's existence. Cambridge Polity PressAbstract systems depend on trust, yet they provide none of the moral rewards which can be obtained from personalised trust, or were often available in traditional settings from the moral frameworks within which everyday life was undertaken.
Moreover, the wholesale penetration of abstract systems into daily life creates risks which the individual is not well placed to confront; high-consequence risks fall into this category. Greater interdependence, up to and including globally independent systems, means greater vulnerability when untoward events occur that affect those systems as a whole. Cambridge Polity PressThinking in terms of risk certainly has its unsettling aspects The more or less constant, profound and rapid momentum of change characteristic of modern institutions, coupled with structured reflexivity, mean that on the level of everyday practice as well as philosophical interpretation, nothing can be taken for granted.
Cambridge Polity Press[C]ultivated risk-taking represents an 'experiment with trust' in the sense of basic trust which consequently has implications for an individual's self-identity.
In cultivated risk-taking, the encounter with danger and its resolution are bound up in the same activity, whereas in other consequential settings the payoff of chosen strategies may not be seen for years afterwards. Cambridge Polity PressThe difficulties of living in a secular risk culture are compounded by the importance of lifestyle choices. Cambridge Polity PressThe self in high modernity is not a minimal self, but the experience of large arenas of security intersects, sometimes in subtle, sometimes in nakedly disturbing, ways with generalised sources of unease.
Feelings of restlessness, foreboding and desperation may mingle in individual experience with faith in the reliability of certain forms of social and technical framework. Cambridge Polity PressThe body cannot be any longer merely 'accepted', fed and adorned according to traditional ritual; it becomes a core part of the reflexive project of self-identity. A continuing concern with bodily development in relation to a risk culture is thus an intrinsic part of modern social behaviour.
As was stressed earlier, although modes of deployment of the body have to be developed from a diversity of lifestyle options, deciding between alternatives is not itself an option but an inherent element of the construction of self-identity. Life-planning in respect of the body is hence not necessarily narcissistic, but a normal part of post-traditional social environments.
Like other aspects of the reflexivity of self-identity, body-planning is more often an engagement with the outside world than a defensive withdrawal from it.
Cambridge Polity Press1. In contrast to close personal ties in traditional contexts, the pure relationship is not anchored in external conditions of social or economic life - it is, as it were, free-floating. The pure relationship is sought only for what the relationship can bring to the partners involved. The pure relationship is reflexively organised, in an open fashion, and on a continuous basis.
The pure relationship is focused on intimacy, which is a major condition of any long-term stability the partners might achieve.
The pure relationship depends on mutual trust between partners, which in turn is closely related to the achievement of intimacy. In a pure relationship, the individual does not simply 'recognise the other' and in the responses of that other find his self-identity affirmed.
Rather, as follows from the preceeding points, self-identity is negotiated through linked processes of self-exploration and the development of intimacy with the other. Cambridge Polity PressDemocracy hence implies not just the right to free and equal self-development, but also the constitutional limitation of distributive power. The 'liberty of the strong' must be restrained, but this is not a denial of all authority - or it only becomes so in the case of anarchism.
Authority is justifiable to the degree that it recognises the principle of autonomy; in other words, to the extent to which defensible reasons can be given as to why compliance enhances autonomy, either now or in the future. Constitutional authority can be understood as an implicit contract which has the same form as conditions of association explicitly negotiated between equals. Giddens, AnthonyThe transformation of intimacy.
Sexuality, love and eroticism in modern societies. Cambridge Polity PressIn the pure relationship, trust has no external supports, and has to be developed on the basis of intimacy. Trust is a vesting of confidence in the other and also in the capability of the mutual bond to withstand future traumas.
This is more than a matter of good faith only, problematic as that may be in itself. To trust the other is also to gamble upon the capability of the individual actually to be able to act with integrity.
Cambridge Polity PressIntimacy is above all a matter of emotional communication, with others and with the self, in a context of interpersonal equality. Women have prepared the way for an expansion of the domain of intimacy in their role as the emotional revolutionaries of modernity. Certain psychological dispositions have been the condition and outcome of this process, as have also the material changes which have allowed women to stake a claim to equality.
On the psychological level, male difficulties with intimacy are above all the result of two things: In social circumstances in which women are no longer complicit with the role of the phallus, the traumatic elements of maleness are thus exposed more plainly to view.
Cambridge Polity PressEach of us not only 'has', but lives a biography reflexively organised in terms of flows of social and psychological information about possible ways of life. Modernity is a post-traditional order, in which the question, 'How shall I live? Cambridge Polity Press14 Emotion becomes a life-political issue in numerous ways with the latter-day development of modernity. In the realm of sexuality, emotion as a means of communication, as commitment to and cooperation with others, is especially important.
The model of confluent love suggests an ethical framework for the fostering of non-destructive emotion in the conduct of individual and communal life. It provides for the revitalising of the erotic - not as a specialist skill of impure women, but as a generic quality of sexuality in social relations formed through mutuality rather than through unequal power.